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 By Anne Applebaum  Wednesday, April 6, 2005; Page A19  Washington Post  

 If you've been watching television or reading newspapers at all over the  past week, it would have been difficult not to learn that the late Pope  John Paul II helped "defeat" communism. The pope has been said to have  "sparked the fall of communism," to have "stared down communism" or to  have "championed communism's collapse." Some give him only partial credit:  "Pope, Reagan collaborated to halt communism," read one headline. Others  make it sound as if he actually manned the barricades, describing him as  the pope who "helped overthrow communism."  
 Most of the time, these descriptions of the pope's role in the collapse of  communism are vague, and perhaps as a result much confusion has crept into  the conversation. An acquaintance this week had a telephone call from a  reporter who wanted to talk about how the pope secretly negotiated the end  of communism with Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev. In real life, the  pope's role in the end of the communist regime was far less  conspiratorial, but no less significant -- which is why it might be worth  remembering what it was, actually, that he did.  
 In essence, the pope made two contributions to the defeat of totalitarian  communism, a system in which the state claimed ownership of all or most  physical property -- factories, farms, houses -- and also held a monopoly  on intellectual life. No one was allowed to own a private business, in  other words, and no one was allowed to express belief in any philosophy  besides Marxism. The church, first in Poland and then elsewhere, broke  these two monopolies, offering people a safe place to meet and  intellectually offering them an alternative way of thinking about the  world.  
 Here's how it worked: When I lived in Poland in the late 1980s, I was told  that if I wanted to know what was going on, I'd have to go every week to a  particular Warsaw church and pick up a copy of the city's weekly  underground newspaper. Equally, if I wanted to see an exhibition of  paintings that were not the work of the regime's artists, or a play that  was not approved by the regime's censors, I could go to an exhibition or a  performance in a church basement. The priests didn't write the newspapers,  or paint the paintings, or act in the plays -- none of which were  necessarily religious -- but they made their space and resources available  for the people who did. And in helping to create what we now call "civil  society," these priests were following the example of the pope who, as a  young man in Nazi-occupied Poland, secretly studied for the priesthood and  also founded an underground theater.  
 Odd though it sounds, the Polish church's "alternative thinking" wasn't an  entirely religious phenomenon either. Marxism, as it was practiced in  Eastern Europe, was a cult of progress. We are destroying the past in  order to build the future, the communist leaders explained: We are razing  the buildings, eradicating the traditions and collectivizing the land to  make a new kind of society and to shape a new kind of citizen. But when  the pope came to Poland, he talked not just of God but also of history.  During his trips, he commemorated the 1,000th anniversary of the death of  Saint Adalbert, the 600th anniversary of Poland's oldest university or the  40th anniversary of the Warsaw ghetto uprising. I once heard him speak at  length on the life of Sister Kinga, a 13th-century nun. This was  deliberate. "Fidelity to roots does not mean a mechanical copying of the  patterns of the past," he said in one of his Polish speeches: "Fidelity to  roots is always creative, ready to descend into the depths, open to new  challenges."  
 I don't mean here to play down the pope's spirituality. But it so happens  that John Paul's particular way of expressing his faith -- publicly,  openly, and with many cultural and historical references -- was explosive  in countries whose regimes tried to control both culture and history,  along with everything else.  
 Finally, this pope also made an impact thanks to his unusual ability --  derived from charisma and celebrity as well as faith -- to get people out  on the streets. As Natan Sharansky and others have written, communist  regimes achieved their greatest successes when they were able to atomize  people, to keep them apart and keep them afraid. But when the pope first  visited Poland in 1979, he was greeted not by a handful of little old  ladies, as the country's leaders predicted, but by millions of people of  all ages. My husband, 16 years old at the time, remembers climbing a tree  on the outskirts of an airfield near Gniezno where the pope was saying  Mass and seeing an endless crowd, "three kilometers in every direction."  The regime -- its leaders, its police -- were nowhere visible: "There were  so many of us, and so few of them." That was also the trip in which the  pope kept repeating, "Don't be afraid."  
 It wasn't a coincidence that Poles found the courage, a year later, to  organize Solidarity, the first mass anticommunist political movement. It  wasn't a coincidence that "civil society" began to organize itself in  other communist countries as well: If it could happen in Poland, it could  happen in Hungary or East Germany. Nor was it necessary, in 1989, for the  pope to do deals with Gorbachev, since in 1979 he had already demonstrated  the hollowness of the Soviet Union's claims to moral superiority. He  didn't need to conduct secret negotiations, because he'd already shown  that the most important things could be said in public. He didn't need to  man the barricades, in other words, because he had already shown people  that they could walk right through them.  

 applebaumanne@yahoo.com  

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A28398-2005Apr5.html
12 kwiecień 2005

przesłał prof. Iwo Cyprian Pogonowski 

  

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